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    Why Our Tax Code?

    Wed, 11/17/2010 - 00:13 EDT - Baseline Scenario - The Blog
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    • taxes

    By James Kwak
    In honor of the deficit commission, Ezra Klein is running a number of posts about the commission’s proposals and our tax code, including one about the mortgage interest tax deduction. Although this is often defended as a middle-class tax break, on a percentage-of-income basis it mainly benefits people between the 80th and 99th income percentiles; above that they make so much money that they can’t buy big enough houses to keep up. (On a dollar basis, of course, the correlation between income and tax savings is perfect.)
    This should not be surprising, since like any itemized deduction (a) it’s worthless if you have a small house and take the standard deduction instead, (b) it’s proportional to the size of your mortgage, and (c) it’s proportional to your tax bracket. Klein says, “I’m not really clear why we’re giving people making hundreds of thousands a year large subsidies to buy a house, but I’m sure there’s a good reason.” I’m sure he knows the reason, but I’ll spell it out anyway.
    This issue comes up occasionally in my tax class, where I have a long-running but mostly silent debate with my professor. When he asked why we have some quirk in the tax code (I forget which), I said, “It’s a political economy thing: it benefits rich people, and they have more political power.” He said something like, “Maybe, but that argument proves too much, because the rich do pay taxes, and if they really called all the shots they wouldn’t pay any taxes.” Which is a reasonable point, so I’ve mainly let the issue lie.
    But if you are the rich people in a democratic society where most people believe in reduced inequality, what kind of tax code do you want? You want to start with an overall progressive structure (so the people won’t revolt), and then you want a boatload of exceptions to that structure that (a) favor the rich and (b) can be individually defended on plausible (and sometimes even reasonable) grounds. Which is what we’ve got:

    • Mortgage interest tax deduction
    • State and local (property) tax deduction
    • Charitable deduction
    • Lower rates for capital gains and dividends
    • Exclusion (or tax deferral) for retirement and educational savings accounts
    • Exclusion of capital gains on home sales
    • Ability to donate appreciated assets to charity and deduct appreciated value without paying tax on appreciation

    As I said, you can defend most of these individually without being laughed at. But the net effect is to water down the progressivity of the system without admitting that that’s what you’re doing. And instead of ordinary people revolting against the rich, this year we had (some) ordinary people revolting in favor of cutting taxes for the rich.

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    Related

    • Who Benefits from Tax Expenditures?

      By James Kwak Ezra Klein points out a new tax expenditure database from The Pew Charitable Trusts. More attention to tax expenditures — exceptions in the tax code that reduce tax revenue or, put another way, subsidies channeled through the tax system* — is always a good thing. But Klein also says something interesting that I don’t agree with:

    • More on the Tax Deal

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    • The Welfare State For the Rich

      Pew has a cool new tax expenditures database tool that I recommend you examine. As a preview, here’s the exploration of the scope and importance of these measures:

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      By James Kwak A couple of days ago I criticized Mitt Romney for thinking that eliminating the deductions for mortgages on second homes and for state and local taxes would pay for his 20 percent rate cuts. But there’s a more important general point to be made.

    • Why Limiting Itemized Deductions (Still) Makes Sense

    • The Perverse Distributional Consequences Of Tax Breaks Are a Feature To Some On The Right

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    • Tax Cut Ironies

      By James Kwak From The New York Times: “Congressional Republicans in recent days have blocked efforts by Democrats to extend the jobless aid, saying they would insist on offsetting the $56 billion cost with spending cuts elsewhere.” Instead, as it turns out, they agreed to offset the cost with tax cuts elsewhere.

    • Sins of commission

      BACK at the beginning of the year, there was a real concern (among some people, anyway) that deficits would be the big economic and political story of the year. The American economy seemed to be stabilising and as financial panic ebbed government bond yields were rising. Within Europe, deficits did become a major issue. And so in America, the Obama administration took some steps to head off political fall-out from growing deficit concerns, and to try and insure against a sudden loss of market taste for American debt.

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